CONTRAT ANAPEC PDF

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Contrat Anapec Pdf

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Special Training Contracts (Contrats Spéciaux de Formation) .. Promotion de l' Emploi et des Compétences, ANAPEC) and the National office. ANAPEC. AGENCE NATIONALE DE PROMOTION DE L'EMPLOI ET DES faire appel à des ONG spécialisées en contrat avec l'ANAPEC pour la réalisation . La mise en place au niveau de l'ANAPEC d'un programme La contractualisation entre l'ANAPEC et des ONG .. cadre du contrat-programme État-ANAPEC.

The public authorities threatened a few companies […]. Interview in Spanish with an executive from Fresdeloc-Morocco, Moulay Bouslem, Morocco, 22 uly In the above quotation it is possible to identify two key aspects in claims about the benefits of the move from spontaneous and illegalized migration to controlled and legal mobility.

However, such discourses that highlight the advantages of legal migration contra the risks of illegal migration never explain why the former should improve the housing and working conditions of foreign workers. Rather, it is taken for granted that legalization automatically protects migrants from exploitation.

Even though the substitution of an illegalized workforce by contract labour has been managed by all the sector actors, a decade later, neither farmers nor institutions feel responsible for the persistence of slums and poverty endured by undocumented migrants, as if such a reality were totally independent of the farm labour market.

We used to give them documents, and then, once they had a valid work permit, they would leave to find work in another city, another company, or in a different sector. The contract binds them to the company […] if they leave, they lose their work permit and cannot remain in Spain: this is probably the biggest advantage of this kind of recruitment. In her analysis of the labour market in the Californian strawberry industry, Wells explained that temporary workers under contracts were more easily disposable than undocumented workers because they were well known to the authorities.

The selection and contract agreement both take place in the country of origin. Workers are then sent to Huelva for a limited period of time from three to nine months at the end of which they must return to their country, in accordance with a signed repatriation agreement.

In the first year in , Polish, around Moroccans and a small number of Colombians and Ecuadorians were recruited.

In , the number of contract workers rose to 12, the following year this figure nearly doubled, while in , 35, female workers came to harvest strawberries in Huelva Province Table In less than ten years, it fostered the arrival of three major national groups of female workers in the following descending order : Poles, Romanians and Moroccans. As ann Moulier Boutang has underlined in his study of situations in other historical periods, the persistence of the exog- eneity of foreign labour is allowed not by the succession of different legal statuses of each individual, but by the succession of migrant individuals.

For the past 15 years in Huelva, a continuous process of differentiation has led to a triple segmentation of the workforce — along the lines of nationality, gender and legal status — and to competition between different groups of workers as well as among workers of the same group.

The ultimate aim is to lower production costs to a minimum. Through this pro- cedure, seasonal workers sign a temporary work contract at the end of which they promise to return to their country of origin, and then have to wait for an invitation from their employers for the following season. Workers who fail to return to their country of origin are declared illegal. This contract entitles migrants to a tempo- rary job and residence permit, specifying the geographical area and activity sector in which they can work, and the duration of the contract.

In addition, recruiting criteria play an important part in channelling contracted female workers. Most female seasonal workers come from a rural background mainly from the Gharb region, where the Spanish straw- berry industry has delocalized production since the s; see Hellio, b and are unable to locate the country where they are sent to work.

From his interviews with migrant workers about their arrangements for the journey from Morocco to Spain, Ahlame Rahmi noted that some did not even consider they were travelling abroad alkharij , but explained that they were simply being transferred from one place to another: from Tangier harbour to the farm that employed them. How do we get there? They escort us holding their hands over our eyes and remove them once we get there.

When we arrive at the cooperative, all I see is the female boss waiting for the women workers. Interview with Meriem, Moroccan seasonal worker, 35, married, in her home in a douar near Souk Larbaa, Morocco, 26 uly These women are therefore much more dependent on their employers than undocumented workers who arrive independently. As early as 6am, migration advisors arrive with the necessary documents. Police files are prepared beforehand and we make them sign the migration documents.

Two advisors hand them out, and at around 9 or 10 am, everything is over. Interview with the director of international placement for Anapec, Casablanca, 17 July The accommodation provided during the period of work is a further constraint placed upon these women. More so than undocumented people living in slums, the confinement of women on farms prevents them from socializing with the native population because they are isolated from the local social space.

Villages are merely places of transit for contract seasonal workers, during arrival — when they are immediately dispatched to the farms — and on their return.

Agence nationale de promotion de l'emploi et des compétences

Gatherings take place inside the cooperatives that centralize recruitment for all farmers. As such, their presence is far less detectable than that of undocumented or even regular male migrants who come to Huelva seeking employment, and who might stay for days, weeks or months without work and without accommodation.

Accommodating seasonal workers on the farms therefore means imposing tighter controls on the lives of the employees, particularly on their social and sexual relations, because employers fear that women might otherwise use external relations to abandon the workplace. Competition is organized between and within the diverse groups, and the resulting forms of self-control thus reinforce the rules of employers and supervisors. Unlike the lodgings provided by employers, the chabolas are self-built.

Despite insalubrious housing conditions and very limited access to vital resources such as water, these settlements are still sites for building mainly all-male social ties, and places of freedom outside the control of farmers, where workers gather and couples are sometimes formed.

The collective accommodation of female seasonal workers is a constitutive element of a general mechanism of control. In contrast, the chabola, where undocumented men gather, is a shelter and social space invented and created by homeless people.

This space eludes the rules of the employers: it functions on a community basis, even if it is also shaped by power relations, both internal to the chabola and across the wider social space in which the chabola is situated. Even though there is no comfort, one can breathe an air of freedom that cannot be found when working in the campos.

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Couples formed during the season therefore get together in the chabola: They are not allowed to work or sleep with us because they are men. There are only women on our farm. Well, they can come to visit at night, when the supervisor is not around, and is not doing his evening round, which is usually at about 6 or 7pm, although at the moment he comes around 10pm He wants to know who goes out, who stays at home.

Informal conversation with Rebecca, Polish seasonal worker, chabola de la madre, Palos de la Frontera, 25 May However, as already noted, tolerance for unregulated mobility has decreased as a result of the new system of recruitment. The chabolas are periodically destroyed by the police and thus can not guarantee stable settlement for workers. This is our place. Even if it is durable, the presence of this group of workers is accepted only in that it appears to be temporary.

However, they still play a role on the fringe of the local labour market. According to the Mediterranean agriculture model formulated by Jean- Pierre Berlan , these workers occupy the third, most exible circle of the employment system, which is used only during harvest peaks.

Employers usually consider them excessively mobile. Pedro, whose farm is located very close to a large slum, employs mostly people from sub-Saharan Africa who live there, but he complains about their lack of commitment to stay until the end of the season: They do not realize that this will cause them problems.

They go off the tracks, like Moroccans who now tend to manage to earn their living by other means. And when the boss called them back to work, they threatened to call the guardias [the police]. He left, and I just stayed there. When he came back, he asked me what do you want Do you want a job I answered yes Then he started with his speech: he had it all ready in his head He was only waiting for somebody to listen to him.

Moreno no valen nada. Arreglas papeles y se van A black man Never Blacks are no good. I used to have five. A black man is good for planting because blacks are strong. The chabolas are periodically destroyed by the police and thus can not guarantee stable settlement for workers.

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This is our place. Even if it is durable, the presence of this group of workers is accepted only in that it appears to be temporary. However, they still play a role on the fringe of the local labour market.

According to the Mediterranean agriculture model formulated by Jean- Pierre Berlan , these workers occupy the third, most exible circle of the employment system, which is used only during harvest peaks. Employers usually consider them excessively mobile. Pedro, whose farm is located very close to a large slum, employs mostly people from sub-Saharan Africa who live there, but he complains about their lack of commitment to stay until the end of the season: They do not realize that this will cause them problems.

They go off the tracks, like Moroccans who now tend to manage to earn their living by other means. And when the boss called them back to work, they threatened to call the guardias [the police]. He left, and I just stayed there. When he came back, he asked me what do you want Do you want a job I answered yes Then he started with his speech: he had it all ready in his head He was only waiting for somebody to listen to him.

Moreno no valen nada. Arreglas papeles y se van A black man Never Blacks are no good. I used to have five. A black man is good for planting because blacks are strong.

But now all the women from Romania have gone, because the work is too hard; so he hired us. We are five black men and he has two Moroccan women At the end of the season we may have to take down the greenhouses. Interview with Daouda, Chabola de la Madre, 4 April As they are considered an auxiliary labour force, they are seldom accommodated on the farms.

At the bottom of the pyr- amid are undocumented workers and female contract workers. The diversity of legal statuses boosts the performance of farms Thomas, , insofar as employ- ment precariousness tends to compel workers to draw attention to themselves, whether it is female contract workers who want to ensure their re-employment for the following season, or undocumented workers who wish to earn the one-year contract that is synonymous with legalization.

It is important to insist on the objective working conditions of the different groups of migrants residing in the province, because local racism, sexism and class representations combine to naturalize relations among farm workers. The employment of each type of worker is justified by the essentializing discourses propagated by both employers and the workers themselves.

Indeed, as temporary migration programmes typically authorize the recruitment of different national groups of workers, this leads employers to differentiate between and physically separate groups depending on their origin, thus exacerbating national divisions. For instance, one often hears that men cannot harvest strawberries, and yet it is expected that black men are more productive than Romanian women.

The following extract from an interview with the recruiting manager of a cooperative provides insight into the stereotypes that prevail in the organization of labour in the fields and shows how they are the result of entrenched power relations in this, with respect to gender and race : One day, an employer calls me and tells me that there is a problem with the blacks on his farm.

What can I do?

We go to the field, and there they were, moving up the field all in a single line. I place a different nationality on each row: a Moroccan here, a Romanian there, then someone from Mali, a Polish woman then another Romanian woman. I mix them — I realized that this is much better for the pace of work.

But if you mix them, things are easier. Once I employed a lot of Romanian workers, but now I tend to mix nationalities. Interview with a farmer with four-hectare greenhouses in Palos de la Frontera, May The productive system and labour organization in Huelva together provide a fertile ground for the proliferation of positive and negative stereotypes, and for the development of hostility between groups.

Muslims get along well with Moroccans, but the others are no good. But it is impossible with some of them. When they come, we call each other names and we quarrel. Then we have the Moroccans versus the Blacks and it gets vulgar. Black people say that we are dirty, and we tell them beat it Negro, you stink. Each new wave of workers is welcomed at first, and is used to draw comparisons in order to criticize the previous group. Prejudices are used a posteriori to justify changes in labour force hiring, to reject one group and legitimate the next one.

Those who leave the system are by contrast compared to other female figures such as the prostitute or the victim of human trafficking. The use of negative and positive images to define the limits of legitimate female behaviour are manipulated by employers and institutions in charge of migration control, and serve to ensure their return to the country of ori- gin as well as encourage competition between the different female groups.

He noted that when both the production of goods and the reproduction of the labour force are organized by the employer, this gives rise to a system of paternalistic relations; conversely, when these two processes are separated, as in the case of temporary migration programmes where production is organized by the employer and reproduction is managed by the communities of the different groups of workers or the country of origin , the outcome is a system of competi- tive racial relations.

Temporary legal migration has been presented as the alternative to irregular migration. In this approach, legal and illegal migrants are presented as diametrically opposed and yet are always mentioned in relation to each other, with temporary migration presented as the means to solve the problem of illegal migration. This observation leads one to question the common rhetoric among international organizations that legal migration is more of a safeguard than illegal migration which is instead seen to be the cause for some of the worst labour abuses.

Over the last few years, migration policies have aimed to promote temporary labour migration, both in Europe and in North America. In Huelva, this form of migration has been, in fact, more prof- itable to the interests of the strawberry sector than to the migrant labourers. The system allows for the externalization of the costs of labour mobilization by provid- ing efficient selection in the countries of origin, as has occurred in Morocco which had long provided a reservoir of migrant labour.

Despite the growth of the recruit- ment programme, undocumented workers continue to come to Huelva in search of employment. The relationships between the different groups of workers during harvest time are often of a competitive nature, but, conversely, they also represent a seasonal multi-ethnic society, which can become sometimes the breeding ground for acts of resistance to the dehumanizing controls imposed by employers.

Employees are selected and contracts are signed in the countries of origin. While the mobility of Braceros was tightly organized by government and employers, the movement of undocumented workers was often independent or remained underground, and was therefore impos- sible to fully trace or control.

It is used in Morocco to refer to irregular border crossings.

They may also use the contingente in order to legalize their stay; a procedure makes it possible to obtain a one-year contract as on-site labour, prior to the substitution of labour from outside Spain. References Abella, M. Amin, M. World Bank Policy Research. Basok, T. Agricultura y Sociedad, no. Burawoy, M. American Journal of Sociology, no.

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Winters, A. Comment calculer et construire un escalier droit? This contract entitles migrants to a tempo- rary job and residence permit, specifying the geographical area and activity sector in which they can work, and the duration of the contract.

The deportation regime: sovereignty, space, and the freedom of movement. Basok, T.

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